The Great War and Congressional “Isolationism”

I thought I’d take a detour from writing chapter one to craft a quick blog post on something which has been wracking my brain, how did the American experience in World War I impact “isolationism” on the eve of World War II? Of course, historians of noninterventionism have covered this topic, and I’ve touched on it myself. However, I am curious to see if this relationship was reflected in my dataset. Comparing the voting habits of those members who served during the 65th Congress (1915-1917) and the 77th Congress (1941-1943) revealed some interesting trends.

Looking at Voteview.com’s dataset, 20 Republicans who served in Congress, either in the House or the Senate, on the eve of U.S. entry into WWI and voted on the declaration of war with the German Empire were also in Congress as the U.S. entered WWII. Those 20 Republicans averaged 66% opposition to U.S. policy on the eve of WWII, whereas the 45 Democrats who served during both eras averaged just 25% opposition.

Only four of those 20 posted opposition percentages less than 60%, Allen T. Treadway (MA), Wallace White (ME), Fredrick Hale (ME), James Wadsworth Jr. (NY), and George Norris (NE)

Norris, the New Deal-supporting Republican, turned Independent, was the only member of the 20 who opposed U.S. entry into WWI but became a reliable supporter of U.S. policy entering WWII.

A “cast_code” of “1” means that they voted yay on SJR1, the declaration of war on the German Empire in 1917. A “cast_code” of 6 means that they opposed the measure. “oppo_per” refers to the level of opposition to U.S. foreign policy on the eve of U.S. entry into WWII. “congress_num” is the number of congresses each member served.

The remaining 16 posted opposition percentages between 61% and 92% to U.S. foreign policy between the 74th and 77th Congresses (before Pearl Harbor). Interestingly, when grouped by their position on entry into WWI, they posted similar opposition to the run-up to WWII. William Borah, “the Great Opposer,” was perhaps the most well know of the 14 and became known for his passionate opposition to the future involvement of the U.S. in foreign wars. And, for those who do not know, only Jeannette Rankin of Montana opposed U.S. entry into WWI and the declaration of war upon Japan after Pearl Harbor.

A “cast_code” of “1” means that they voted yay on SJR1, the declaration of war on the German Empire in 1917. A “cast_code” of 6 means that they opposed the measure. “Mean” is the average level of opposition to U.S. policy on the eve of U.S. entry into WWII.

The Great War and its aftermath solidified Republican opposition toward entry into the Second World War. Whether or not that was “good” or “bad” is irrelevant. “Isolationists” were not merely motivated by myopia, nativism, or antisemitism. Many, like these congresspeople, looked back upon American entry into the Great War and vowed not to do it again.

New Op-Ed: “Brown Scare, Red Scare, Fake Scare, Who’s Scared?”

A special thanks to the Libertarian Institute for publishing my latest, “Brown Scare, Red Scare, Fake Scare, Who’s Scared?”

It is a brief history of the “scare cycle,” the reciprocal political purges between the Left and the Right. It argues that these scares, built upon exaggerated claims of nefarious foreign influence, have narrowed the Overton Window on America’s role in the world, thereby maintaining a belligerent foreign policy.

Give it a read here.

New Op-Ed: Power Elite Analysis: Lessons from the ‘Conspiracist’ Right and New Left Academics

Special thanks to the Libertarian Institute for publishing my latest piece, ‘Power Elite Analysis: Lessons from the ‘Conspiracist’ Right and New Left Academics.’ It covers some of the New Left – Old Right ideological cross-pollination of the late 1960s and argues the example set by one New Left scholar, G. William Domhoff, is one that we ought to aspire to.

Give it a read!

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